Mariannette Miller-Meeks says she’s taking on insurance companies. Christina Bohannan says she’s taking on insurance companies. Watch their commercials back to back, and you’d think the insurance companies were about to get their asses kicked.
Then
come the attack ads. Now they’re both working for insurance companies.
Somebody’s lying. Somebody’s leaving things out, and you just wanted to watch
the news.
They’re
running for Iowa’s 1st Congressional District. Miller-Meeks beat Bohannan in
2022, then barely got past her in 2024, winning with just 799 votes. Not much
breathing room when over 400,000 votes were cast.
Miller-Meeks
is the Republican already in Congress. Bohannan is a Democrat trying to replace
her. They’ve got their pitches down, but what the hell are we actually getting?
Miller-Meeks
has a pretty good story. In tenth grade, she was badly burned in a kitchen
fire. A physical therapist who helped her recover got her thinking about a
career in medicine.
She
left home at 16, joined the Army at 18, and served for 24 years as a private,
nurse, and doctor. Later, she practiced ophthalmology, ran Iowa’s public health
department, served in the Iowa Senate, and went to Congress in 2021.
She
didn’t just borrow a white coat for the commercial. She’s treated people and
knows something about healthcare. When she says nobody should go broke because
they got sick, most of us will not argue.
In 2022, Miller-Meeks voted with the Democrats to limit what people pay for insulin. In 2026, she backed another bill to cap it at $35 a month for people with private insurance.
She
also voted against the Inflation Reduction Act, the bigger bill that became law
and capped insulin costs for people on Medicare. That’s the vote Bohannan
attacks. Fair enough, but Miller-Meeks also backed separate bills to make
insulin cheaper.
Her
votes deserve questions. But saying she’s against cheaper insulin doesn’t tell
the entire story. Neither does bragging about a bill that didn’t pass—the
pharmacy won’t knock money off your bill because you tried.
Then
there’s the big Republican tax-and-spending bill from July 2025. Miller-Meeks
voted for it. Along with the tax changes, it tightened Medicaid rules and cut
projected federal Medicaid spending.
Republicans
say the law puts $50 billion into rural healthcare. It does, but it also cuts
Medicaid by much more. Rural healthcare is expected to lose more money than
that new fund puts back.
Miller-Meeks
voted for it. If she’s going to brag about the extra money, she needs to
explain the cuts, too. People worried about losing their insurance deserve an
answer.
Bohannan’s
healthcare story starts with her dad. She grew up in a mobile home in a small
Florida town. Her father worked construction, her mother worked part-time at a
daycare. Neither finished high school.
She
waited tables and took odd jobs, eventually earning an engineering degree and
finishing first in her law school class. She became a University of Iowa law
professor and served one term in the Iowa House.
Her
dad’s experience explains why she’s angry at insurance companies. It doesn’t
tell us whether she can fix the mess.
Bohannan
wants people to buy into Medicare at any age and keep private insurance if they
want it. She also wants to reverse the Medicaid cuts, extend Affordable Care
Act tax credits, and let Medicare negotiate prices on more drugs. But she
doesn’t want to force everybody into one government insurance system.
That’s
great, but what’s it gonna cost? What would we pay? Would doctors and hospitals
take it? Having insurance doesn’t help if you can’t find anybody nearby who’ll
accept it.
Then
she’s got to get it through Congress. That’s where a lot of good campaign
promises fade away. “I’ll fight for you” doesn’t tell us who’ll vote with her
or what she’d agree to in order to get something passed.
Her
attack ads need a look, too. In “Sweetheart Deal,” Bohannan goes after
Miller-Meeks’s campaign money and Washington apartment. KCRG confirmed roughly
$4 million in business-related PAC contributions since 2019.
That’s
a lot of money, and voters can ask about it. Who gave it? What did they want?
How did she vote? But the total alone doesn’t prove anybody bought her.
The
apartment was a basement studio owned by lobbyists. Miller-Meeks received more
than $28,000 in taxpayer-funded lodging reimbursements between January 2023 and
December 2025. Her campaign said she paid market rent and didn’t talk
legislative business with the owners.
KCRG
found the studio advertised for $1,500 a month, about what similar places
nearby were asking. So yes, there were lobbyist landlords and taxpayer
reimbursements. The “sweetheart deal” part needs more than that.
It’s
fair to ask why she rented there. It’s also fair to ask Bohannan what made the
deal so sweet. If you’re going to promise to clean up Washington, you ought to
get the dirt right.
Miller-Meeks
has her own old standby: Bohannan supposedly wants to abolish law enforcement.
PolitiFact checked that in 2021 and rated it False. Five years later, it’s
still being dragged up in political ads.
Part
of the accusation came from Bohannan giving $60 to a fundraiser for an
immigrant bail and bond fund. She said she was contributing to a friend’s
fundraiser and didn’t share the organization’s abolition views. She also voted
against a broad Iowa policing bill while saying she supported some of its
benefits for officers.
Ask
about the donation. Ask about the vote. But it doesn’t prove she wants to get
rid of the police.
And
who’s paying to bring us all this? Every time you open the mailbox, one of
them’s in there again. They’re on television. They’re on your phone, and
they’re probably under the grocery ads you haven’t thrown out yet.
From
January 2025 through June 30, 2026, Miller-Meeks’s campaign took in about $7.21
million and spent $2.89 million. Bohannan took in $7.05 million and spent $1.73
million. Between them, that’s more than $14 million coming in before the summer
even over.
They
had plenty left to spend. Miller-Meeks ended June with about $4.69 million in
the bank, and Bohannan had $5.43 million. The postcards weren’t about to stop
for lack of funds.
Miller-Meeks
reported about $2.95 million directly from individual donors. Another $2.42
million came from PACs and other political committees, with $1.69 million
transferred from other authorized fundraising committees. A sizeable chunk of
her money came through political organizations.
Bohannan
reported about $5.65 million from individual donors, roughly $492,000 from PACs
and other committees, and about $857,000 in transfers from other authorized
committees. Their fundraising looks different, even if the totals are close.
Bohannan
says she doesn’t take corporate PAC money. That doesn’t mean she takes no PAC
money. It also doesn’t mean all those individual donors live in Iowa or are
sending spare change they found in the couch.
Miller-Meeks
has taken money from PACs connected to drug companies, including Eli Lilly,
Merck, and Johnson & Johnson. That’s worth asking about when she says she’s
taking on the healthcare industry. What do those donors want, and where has she
told them no?
There’s
more money outside the campaigns. Other groups buy ads and mailers to help
their favorite candidate or beat the other one. Those bills don’t show up in
the candidates’ spending totals.
In
August, the conservative American Action Network spent over $1 million in
advertising across the districts represented by Miller-Meeks and Zach Nunn.
That wasn’t all for Miller-Meeks. But it included commercials praising her tax
votes and rural healthcare funding.
Bohannan
is getting help, too. Everytown for Gun Safety Victory Fund and House Majority
PAC announced a $10 million advertising effort covering eight House races,
including hers. That isn’t $10 million just for Bohannan, but it’s national
money helping sell her to Iowa voters.
These
groups aren’t shy about what they want. American Action Network backs
Republican policies and control of Congress. House Majority PAC wants Democrats
in charge, and Everytown wants stronger gun-safety laws. They’re spending to
get somewhere.
Some
Miller-Meeks advertising has had another source of money. Ours. Reporting in
December 2025 documented radio and social media ads featuring Trump praising
her, paid for through her congressional office.
That
money came from taxpayers, separately from her campaign account. Members of
Congress can spend public money on approved communications with constituents.
But when the message is about what a great job the incumbent’s doing, you’re
allowed to ask how much informing is going on.
Bohannan
doesn’t have a congressional office budget. Miller-Meeks does. So some of the
money helping keep her name in front of voters came from people who may not
want to vote for her.
Who
are they indebted to? We know who’s contributing and which groups are spending
to help. That doesn’t prove either one promised a vote in return, but it gives
us something to check against what they do.
Which
donors get their calls returned? Which interests get the legislation they want?
Where have the candidates stood up to the people helping pay the bills? Those
are better questions than simply declaring everybody bought and paid for.
Before
you throw out the next postcard, look at who paid for it. The name might belong
to the campaign, a party, an outside group, or a congressional office. That
little line at the bottom can tell you something the smiling picture doesn’t.
Miller-Meeks
has experience and votes to defend. Bohannan has a shorter legislative record
and promises she needs to show she can carry out. Both have plenty of money
helping them make their case.
They
both say they work for us. Let’s see the work. What gets cheaper, who keeps
their coverage, and can the hospital keep its doors open?
We’ve
heard enough about how hard they’ll fight. Show us what you can do.
Before you go...
If you’ve ever stayed up way too late watching a true crime
documentary, gone down a rabbit hole reading about an unsolved murder, or found
yourself saying, “How have I never heard this case before?”—you’re in
the right place.
I dig into murders, disappearances, serial killers, cold
cases, small-town mysteries, forgotten crimes, and the strange, unsettling stories
that time almost erased. No sensationalized headlines. No made-up drama. Just
well-researched stories built from newspaper archives, court records, police
reports, and historical documents.
If you enjoy what you read and would like to help keep the
lights on, consider buying me a Big Gulp.
Every little bit helps pay for old newspapers, research
materials, public records, travel, and the countless hours spent piecing
together stories that deserve to be remembered.
Buy Me a Big Gulp / NickVulich.com
If true crime is your thing, you might also enjoy these
books...
No comments:
Post a Comment